Revolution #9

Scholars of revolutions, like Jack Goldstone , differentiate four current 'generations' of scholarly research dealing with revolutions.

Ellwood , or Pitirim Sorokin , were mainly descriptive in their approach, and their explanations of the phenomena of revolutions was usually related to social psychology , such as Le Bon's crowd psychology theory. Second generation theorists sought to develop detailed theories of why and when revolutions arise, grounded in more complex social behavior theories.

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They can be divided into three major approaches: Feierbrand , Rosalind L. Feierbrand , James A. Geschwender , David C.

Schwartz , and Denton E. Morrison fall into the first category. They followed theories of cognitive psychology and frustration-aggression theory and saw the cause of revolution in the state of mind of the masses, and while they varied in their approach as to what exactly caused the people to revolt e. Tiryakian , and Mark Hagopian , followed in the footsteps of Talcott Parsons and the structural-functionalist theory in sociology; they saw society as a system in equilibrium between various resources, demands and subsystems political, cultural, etc.

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As in the psychological school, they differed in their definitions of what causes disequilibrium, but agreed that it is a state of a severe disequilibrium that is responsible for revolutions. Finally, the third group, which included writers such as Charles Tilly , Samuel P. Huntington , Peter Ammann , and Arthur L. Stinchcombe followed the path of political sciences and looked at pluralist theory and interest group conflict theory.

Those theories see events as outcomes of a power struggle between competing interest groups. In such a model, revolutions happen when two or more groups cannot come to terms within a normal decision making process traditional for a given political system , and simultaneously have enough resources to employ force in pursuing their goals. The second generation theorists saw the development of the revolutions as a two-step process; first, some change results in the present situation being different from the past; second, the new situation creates an opportunity for a revolution to occur.

In that situation, an event that in the past would not be sufficient to cause a revolution e. Many such early studies of revolutions tended to concentrate on four classic cases: In time, scholars began to analyze hundreds of other events as revolutions see List of revolutions and rebellions , and differences in definitions and approaches gave rise to new definitions and explanations. The theories of the second generation have been criticized for their limited geographical scope, difficulty in empirical verification, as well as that while they may explain some particular revolutions, they did not explain why revolutions did not occur in other societies in very similar situations.

The criticism of the second generation led to the rise of a third generation of theories, with writers such as Theda Skocpol , Barrington Moore , Jeffrey Paige , and others expanding on the old Marxist class conflict approach, turning their attention to rural agrarian-state conflicts, state conflicts with autonomous elites, and the impact of interstate economic and military competition on domestic political change Particularly Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions became one of the most widely recognized works of the third generation; Skocpol defined revolution as "rapid, basic transformations of society's state and class structures [ From the late s a new body of scholarly work began questioning the dominance of the third generation's theories.

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Aaron Pittman 42 episodes, Charles Tilly , a modern scholar of revolutions, differentiated between;. Retrieved January 19, Won 1 Primetime Emmy. The Earth makes one revolution on its axis in about 24 hours.

The old theories were also dealt a significant blow by new revolutionary events that could not be easily explain by them. The Iranian and Nicaraguan Revolutions of , the People Power Revolution in the Philippines and the Autumn of Nations in Europe saw multi-class coalitions topple seemingly powerful regimes amidst popular demonstrations and mass strikes in nonviolent revolutions.

Defining revolutions as mostly European violent state versus people and class struggles conflicts was no longer sufficient. The study of revolutions thus evolved in three directions, firstly, some researchers were applying previous or updated structuralist theories of revolutions to events beyond the previously analyzed, mostly European conflicts.

Secondly, scholars called for greater attention to conscious agency in the form of ideology and culture in shaping revolutionary mobilization and objectives.

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Third, analysts of both revolutions and social movements realized that those phenomena have much in common, and a new 'fourth generation' literature on contentious politics has developed that attempts to combine insights from the study of social movements and revolutions in hopes of understanding both phenomena. Further, social science research on revolution, primarily work in political science, has begun to move beyond individual or comparative case studies towards large-N empirical studies assessing the causes and implications of revolution.

More recently, scholars like Jeff Colgan have argued that Polity, which measures the degree of democratic or autocratic authority in a state's governing institutions based on the openness of executive recruitment, constraints on executive authority, and political competition, is inadequate because it measures democratization, not revolution, and fails to account for regimes which come to power by revolution but fail to change the structure of the state and society sufficiently to yield a notable difference in Polity score.

Revolutions have also been approached from anthropological perspectives.

Economist Douglass North argued that it is much easier for revolutionaries to alter formal political institutions such as laws and constitutions than to alter informal social conventions. According to North, inconsistencies between rapidly changing formal institutions and slow-changing informal ones can inhibit effective sociopolitical change. Because of this, the long-term effect of revolutionary political restructuring is often more moderate than the ostensible short-term effect.


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Revolution disambiguation and Revolutions disambiguation. Fang, A History of Mass Communication: The Third Generation , World Politics 32, Toward a Fourth Generation", Sociological Theory 11, States and Revolutionary Movements, Cambridge University Press, , p. An invisible and mysterious force field descends upon a small actual town of Chester's Mill, Maine, USA, trapping residents inside, cut off from the rest of civilization.

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In political science, a revolution is a fundamental and relatively sudden change in political power and political organization which occurs when the population. Revolution is an American post-apocalyptic science fiction television series that ran from September 17, until May 21, ; it was cancelled by NBC in.

Keep track of everything you watch; tell your friends. Full Cast and Crew. Fifteen years after a permanent global blackout, a group of revolutionaries seeks to drive out an occupying force posing as the United States Government. Michael Mando Teases 'Spider-Man: Get to Know Rachel Brosnahan. How Much Have You Seen? How many episodes of Revolution have you seen? Share this Rating Title: Use the HTML below. You must be a registered user to use the IMDb rating plugin. User Polls TV shows that ended in They Left Us Hanging! Won 1 Primetime Emmy. Learn more More Like This. Under the Dome — The Tomorrow People — Edit Cast Series cast summary: Miles Matheson 42 episodes, Tracy Spiridakos Charlie Matheson 42 episodes, Giancarlo Esposito Tom Neville 42 episodes, Zak Orth Aaron Pittman 42 episodes, David Lyons Sebastian 'Bass' Monroe 42 episodes, Elizabeth Mitchell